There's a story going around that the Mosquito could carry the same bomb load from England to Berlin as a B-17, and on long nights make two trips. It turns out the story is misleading: Could the Mosquito Really Replace the B-17?
There's a story going around that the Mosquito could carry the same bomb load from England to Berlin as a B-17, and on long nights make two trips. It turns out the story is misleading: Could the Mosquito Really Replace the B-17?
185 Red Army divisions comprising 2.3 million soldiers and 4,000 tanks and assault guns smashed into the German positions on a front of 200 km. The 800,000-strong Army Group Centre was crushed.
We accept things in peace time which we would never go to war with.At 19:56:
And I'm afraid to say that there is a consipiracy of silence in peacetime about whether you would take stuff to war or not. Now if you won't take stuff to war you shouldn't be fitting it, you shouldn't be putting up with it and you shouldn't be reporting to Congress that you know what it's alright for current level of provision and the technical specification is ok. If it isn't you should say so because you'll kill your young people.At 21:10:
And so we put up with a lot of things in peacetime, you do in the United States Navy as well, which you would never dream of going to war with. It's all in the shop window but should not be with you in wartime.
Strategy is always a tricornered fight between policy, what you thing you want ..., resources, what you can afford and miltary practicality. But I'm afraid those decisions are made on the basis of what you would do today, not in any future war. So you take risk in peace time which you pay for with your sailors lives and your ship's hulls in wartime, and you get it right and you may not.
We have to anticipate, we have to incorporate technology, we have to have contingency plans for saying this is where our risk is, we need to know about that between friends, and we need to have that for a contingency both technologically and resource terms against the day that risk gets its bluff called.In another presentation 8 Bells Lecture | Rear Adm. Chris Parry: Falklands War and the Importance of Naval Corporate Memory Parry states at 55:15:
You plan for war and you adapt for peace, not the other way around.
Honour Avenue plaques sit poignantly against a backdrop of eucalypt trees. Each bears details of service personnel who died during war service and were either buried overseas or have no known graves.I have often wondered if there is a database of these plaques and it turns out there is.
We must not equate military capabilities with strategy.
It's time to stop invoking Hitler and the Nazis in arguments about everything from censorship to birth control - but we should never stop heeding the lessons of World War IIHe has several things to say, but one I want to highlight is his attempt to explain how nationalism (and it's different from patriotism), militarism and the hatred of difference was behind the evil acts of the Nazis.
But I'm always haunted by the simple words of the historian Richard Evans towards the end of his good book, The Third Reich at War, where he said that we should always remember that what happened was not some act of Satan - though Satanic acts took place - but the result of the unleashed power of long latent traditions of militarism, nationalism and the hatred of difference. It was the force of three ever-living things, braided together like hissing, poisonous snakes around a healthy tree.He goes on to write:
The danger is that each of these things is not necessarily evil on first appearance, and each seeks a new name in new times.
The old distinction between patriotism and nationalism, made many times by many people, has never been more vital to our mental health than it is now - as vital for the health of the country as the distinction between sexual fantasy and pornography is for the health of a marriage. Patriotism, like fantasy, is a kind of sauce, a pleasing irrationalism that is part of what makes us human - and saucy. Nationalism, like pornography, is a kind of narcissistic addiction that devours our humanity.
Patriotism is a love of a place and of the people in a place. As GK Chesterton understood, it becomes more intense the smaller the unit gets, so that it was possible for him to feel more patriotism for Notting Hill than for Britain.
Nationalism is the opposite belief; that your place is better than everyone else's and that people who don't feel this way about it are somehow victimising you.
Just as nationalism is the opposite of patriotism, not its extension, so militarism is an emotion opposed to the universal urge to honour soldiers for their courage. Militarism is the belief that the military's mission is moral, or moralistic. That the army can be used to restore the honour of the nation, or to improve our morals, and that a failure to use it to right every imagined affront is a failure of nerve, rather than a counsel of good sense.He uses as a modern example of this hatred of difference the argument of someof "the impossibility of assimilating Muslims in my adopted country of France" and compares that to similar arguments against Jews in France over a century ago.
After 9/11, in the US we suffered from a plague of militarism of this kind, again mostly from sagging middle-aged writers who wanted to send someone else's kids to war so that the middle-aged men could feel more manly in the face of a national insult. Militarism is not the soldiers' faith that war can be conducted honourably, but the polemicist's belief that war confers honour.
Hatred of difference - notice I carefully did not say racial hatred, or religious hatred. Hitler hated Jews because of their religion, and because of their race, but he hated them above all because of their otherness.
This is a question in which after a half-millennium of religious warfare, the results are really all in. If we accept the Enlightenment values of tolerance, coexistence and mutual pursuit of material happiness, things in the long run work out. If we don't, they won't.Read the article.
So, from now, when we evoke Godwin's Law, as we ought to, I would like to propose Gopnik's Amendment to it. We should never believe that people who differ from us about how we ought to spend public money want to commit genocide or end democracy, and we should stop ourselves from saying so, even in the pixelled heat of internet argument.
But when we see the three serpents of militarism, nationalism and hatred of difference we should never be afraid to call them out, loudly, by name, and remind ourselves and other people, even more loudly still, of exactly what they have made happen in the past.
We should never, in this sense, be afraid to mention the war. We should say, listen: you've heard all this before - but let me tell you again just what happened in the garden the last time someone let the snakes out. It is exactly the kind of lesson that history is supposed to be there to teach us.